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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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make every effort to right the wrongs done to Jews by the German barbarians
and to restore a situation which would be in accordance with the traditions
of Polish tolerance.
" When the storms of war will be over and the world will again face the
great problem of re-organisation of national life on a basis of international
co-operation and respect for the right of nations, a new world organisation
will have to be set up to express real international solidarity and secure a
better morrow for the world in which mankind will be free from want and
" It would be a grievous mistake to underestimate the importance of those
States whose value for international co-operation results less from their
material resources than from their spiritual worth. The Polish Govern-
ment wishes to take a part in the new international expression, based on
freedom, solidarity and brotherhood , . . . "
The programme of this new Government was the programme of
fighting Poland, so clearly expressed in General Bor's cable: " Poland has
not fought for five years against Germany under the most adverse condi-
tions,, and has not suffered the most terrible losses in order to capitulate
to Russia."
The trend of the Polish Press at this difficult time was to take a long-
term view of the Russo-Polish problem which was dominating the en-
tangled international situation. The idea of surrender was out of the
question to the people who now stood., with that indomitable will and
singleness of purpose shewn by the Polish people in their struggle, at
the head of the Government. The tragedy of Warsaw, which had on
the whole been so lightly dismissed by the Allied Governments,,
the spectacle of this great sacrifice haunted the minds of the Polish
community. " Mikolajczyk resigned because he had lost his faith in the
promises and guarantees of the British and United States5 Governments,"
wrote one of the Polish periodicals, <c but the Poles did not lose faith in
the British and American peoples, whose sons were not fighting the
German aggression and making the supreme sacrifice in order that Russia's
greed should be consummated. It is unthinkable that Poland, in spite
of her enormous contributions towards winning this war, should be sacri-
ficed to temporarily satisfy Russian imperialism."
" Two days before the formation of Arciszewski's Government," wrote
New York's Tygodnik Polski (Polish Weekly) " there seemed to be in the
atmosphere of Polish politics the feeling that the Great Powers were deciding
Poland's fate and that the only way to better our situation is a ceaseless
stream of concessions and obedience towards our Allies.
" To-day we know—the partition of Poland will not be signed by the
Poles . ., . we will not capitulate . . . Our Allies must understand that they
cannot propose that we should make concessions for wnich we receive
nothing, and without consulting us, as if we were vanquished. The new
Polish Government has been created while the greatest pressure was being
exerted on Poland in an effort to make her agree to surrender—and it has
been created with the one object of testifying that Poland does not intend
to surrender.